Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:

Among the vicissitudes incident to life no event could have filled me with greater anxieties than that of which the notification was transmitted by your order, and received on the 14th day of the present month. On the one hand, I was summoned by my Country, whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat which I had chosen with the fondest predilection, and, in my flattering hopes, with an immutable decision, as the asylum of my declining years--a retreat which was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear to me by the addition of habit to inclination, and of frequent interruptions in my health to the gradual waste committed on it by time. On the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of my country called me, being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm with despondence one who (inheriting inferior endowments from nature and unpracticed in the duties of civil administration) ought to be peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies. In this conflict of emotions all I dare aver is that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be affected. All I dare hope is that if, in executing this task, I have been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, or by an affectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of the confidence of my fellow-citizens, and have thence too little consulted my incapacity as well as disinclination for the weighty and untried cares before me, my error will be palliated by the motives which mislead me, and its consequences be judged by my country with some share of the partiality in which they originated.

Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present station, it would be peculiarly improper to omit in this first official act my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe, who presides in the councils of nations, and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that His benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States a Government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes, and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success the functions allotted to his charge. In tendering this homage to the Great Author of every public and private good, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own, nor those of my fellow- citizens at large less than either. No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the Invisible Hand which conducts the affairs of men more than those of the United States. Every step by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency; and in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consent of so many distinct communities from which the event has resulted can not be compared with the means by which most governments have been established without some return of pious gratitude, along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage. These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed. You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence.

By the article establishing the executive department it is made the duty of the President "to recommend to your consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient." The circumstances under which I now meet you will acquit me from entering into that subject further than to refer to the great constitutional charter under which you are assembled, and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given. It will be more consistent with those circumstances, and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me, to substitute, in place of a recommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them. In these honorable qualifications I behold the surest pledges that as on one side no local prejudices or attachments, no separate views nor party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests, so, on another, that the foundation of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality, and the preeminence of free government be exemplified by all the attributes which can win the affections of its citizens and command the respect of the world. I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love for my country can inspire, since there is no truth more thoroughly established than that there exists in the economy and course of nature an indissoluble union between virtue and happiness; between duty and advantage; between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous policy and the solid rewards of public prosperity and felicity; since we ought to be no less persuaded that the propitious smiles of Heaven can never be expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and right which Heaven itself has ordained; and since the preservation of the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of the republican model of government are justly considered, perhaps, as deeply, as finally, staked on the experiment entrusted to the hands of the American people.

Besides the ordinary objects submitted to your care, it will remain with your judgment to decide how far an exercise of the occasional power delegated by the fifth article of the Constitution is rendered expedient at the present juncture by the nature of objections which have been urged against the system, or by the degree of inquietude which has given birth to them. Instead of undertaking particular recommendations on this subject, in which I could be guided by no lights derived from official opportunities, I shall again give way to my entire confidence in your discernment and pursuit of the public good; for I assure myself that whilst you carefully avoid every alteration which might endanger the benefits of an united and effective government, or which ought to await the future lessons of experience, a reverence for the characteristic rights of freemen and a regard for the public harmony will sufficiently influence your deliberations on the question how far the former can be impregnably fortified or the latter be safely and advantageously promoted.

To the foregoing observations I have one to add, which will be most properly addressed to the House of Representatives. It concerns myself, and will therefore be as brief as possible. When I was first honored with a call into the service of my country, then on the eve of an arduous struggle for its liberties, the light in which I contemplated my duty required that I should renounce every pecuniary compensation. From this resolution I have in no instance departed; and being still under the impressions which produced it, I must decline as inapplicable to myself any share in the personal emoluments which may be indispensably included in a permanent provision for the executive department, and must accordingly pray that the pecuniary estimates for the station in which I am placed may during my continuance in it be limited to such actual expenditures as the public good may be thought to require.

Having thus imparted to you my sentiments as they have been awakened by the occasion which brings us together, I shall take my present leave; but not without resorting once more to the benign Parent of the Human Race in humble supplication that, since He has been pleased to favor the American people with opportunities for deliberating in perfect tranquillity, and dispositions for deciding with unparalleled unanimity on a form of government for the security of their union and the advancement of their happiness, so His divine blessing may be equally conspicuous in the enlarged views, the temperate consultations, and the wise measures on which the success of this Government must depend.

THE CITY OF PHILADELPHIA
MONDAY, MARCH 4, 1793

Fellow Citizens:
I am again called upon by the voice of my country to execute the functions of its Chief Magistrate. When the occasion proper for it shall arrive, I shall endeavor to express the high sense I entertain of this distinguished honor, and of the confidence which has been reposed in me by the people of united America.

Previous to the execution of any official act of the President the Constitution requires an oath of office. This oath I am now about to take, and in your presence: That if it shall be found during my administration of the Government I have in any instance violated willingly or knowingly the injunctions thereof, I may (besides incurring constitutional punishment) be subject to the upbraidings of all who are now witnesses of the present solemn ceremony.

INAUGURAL ADDRESS IN THE CITY OF PHILADELPHIA
SATURDAY, MARCH 4, 1797

When it was first perceived, in early times, that no middle course for America remained between unlimited submission to a foreign legislature and a total independence of its claims, men of reflection were less apprehensive of danger from the formidable power of fleets and armies they must determine to resist than from those contests and dissensions which would certainly arise concerning the forms of government to be instituted over the whole and over the parts of this extensive country. Relying, however, on the purity of their intentions, the justice of their cause, and the integrity and intelligence of the people, under an overruling Providence which had so signally protected this country from the first, the representatives of this nation, then consisting of little more than half its present number, not only broke to pieces the chains which were forging and the rod of iron that was lifted up, but frankly cut asunder the ties which had bound them, and launched into an ocean of uncertainty.

The zeal and ardor of the people during the Revolutionary war, supplying the place of government, commanded a degree of order sufficient at least for the temporary preservation of society. The Confederation which was early felt to be necessary was prepared from the models of the Batavian and Helvetic confederacies, the only examples which remain with any detail and precision in history, and certainly the only ones which the people at large had ever considered. But reflecting on the striking difference in so many particulars between this country and those where a courier may go from the seat of government to the frontier in a single day, it was then certainly foreseen by some who assisted in Congress at the formation of it that it could not be durable.

Negligence of its regulations, inattention to its recommendations, if not disobedience to its authority, not only in individuals but in States, soon appeared with their melancholy consequences-- universal languor, jealousies and rivalries of States, decline of navigation and commerce, discouragement of necessary manufactures, universal fall in the value of lands and their produce, contempt of public and private faith, loss of consideration and credit with foreign nations, and at length in discontents, animosities, combinations, partial conventions, and insurrection, threatening some great national calamity.

In this dangerous crisis the people of America were not abandoned by their usual good sense, presence of mind, resolution, or integrity. Measures were pursued to concert a plan to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty. The public disquisitions, discussions, and deliberations issued in the present happy Constitution of Government.

Employed in the service of my country abroad during the whole course of these transactions, I first saw the Constitution of the United States in a foreign country. Irritated by no literary altercation, animated by no public debate, heated by no party animosity, I read it with great satisfaction, as the result of good heads prompted by good hearts, as an experiment better adapted to the genius, character, situation, and relations of this nation and country than any which had ever been proposed or suggested. In its general principles and great outlines it was conformable to such a system of government as I had ever most esteemed, and in some States, my own native State in particular, had contributed to establish. Claiming a right of suffrage, in common with my fellow-citizens, in the adoption or rejection of a constitution which was to rule me and my posterity, as well as them and theirs, I did not hesitate to express my approbation of it on all occasions, in public and in private. It was not then, nor has been since, any objection to it in my mind that the Executive and Senate were not more permanent. Nor have I ever entertained a thought of promoting any alteration in it but such as the people themselves, in the course of their experience, should see and feel to be necessary or expedient, and by their representatives in Congress and the State legislatures, according to the Constitution itself, adopt and ordain.

Returning to the bosom of my country after a painful separation from it for ten years, I had the honor to be elected to a station under the new order of things, and I have repeatedly laid myself under the most serious obligations to support the Constitution. The operation of it has equaled the most sanguine expectations of its friends, and from an habitual attention to it, satisfaction in its administration, and delight in its effects upon the peace, order, prosperity, and happiness of the

nation I have acquired an habitual attachment to it and veneration for it.

What other form of government, indeed, can so well deserve our esteem and love?

There may be little solidity in an ancient idea that congregations of men into cities and nations are the most pleasing objects in the sight of superior intelligences, but this is very certain, that to a benevolent human mind there can be no spectacle presented by any nation more pleasing, more noble, majestic, or august, than an assembly like that which has so often been seen in this and the other Chamber of Congress, of a Government in which the Executive authority, as well as that of all the branches of the Legislature, are exercised by citizens selected at regular periods by their neighbors to make and execute laws for the general good. Can anything essential, anything more than mere ornament and decoration, be added to this by robes and diamonds? Can authority be more amiable and respectable when it descends from accidents or institutions established in remote antiquity than when it springs fresh from the hearts and judgments of an honest and enlightened people? For it is the people only that are represented. It is their power and majesty that is reflected, and only for their good, in every legitimate government, under whatever form it may appear. The existence of such a government as ours for any length of time is a full proof of a general dissemination of knowledge and virtue throughout the whole body of the people. And what object or consideration more pleasing than this can be presented to the human mind? If national pride is ever justifiable or excusable it is when it springs, not from power or riches, grandeur or glory, but from conviction of national innocence, information, and benevolence.

In the midst of these pleasing ideas we should be unfaithful to ourselves if we should ever lose sight of the danger to our liberties if anything partial or extraneous should infect the purity of our free, fair, virtuous, and independent elections. If an election is to be determined by a majority of a single vote, and that can be procured by a party through artifice or corruption, the Government may be the choice of a party for its own ends, not of the nation for the national good. If that solitary suffrage can be obtained by foreign nations by flattery or menaces, by fraud or violence, by terror, intrigue, or venality, the Government may not be the choice of the American people, but of foreign nations. It may be foreign nations who govern us, and not we, the people, who govern ourselves; and candid men will acknowledge that in such cases choice would have little advantage to boast of over lot or chance.

Such is the amiable and interesting system of government (and such are some of the abuses to which it may be exposed) which the people of America have exhibited to the admiration and anxiety of the wise and virtuous of all nations for eight years under the administration of a citizen who, by a long course of great actions, regulated by prudence, justice, temperance, and fortitude, conducting a people inspired with the same virtues and animated with the same ardent patriotism and love of liberty to independence and peace, to increasing wealth and unexampled prosperity, has merited the gratitude of his fellow-citizens, commanded the highest praises of foreign nations, and secured immortal glory with posterity.

In that retirement which is his voluntary choice may he long live to enjoy the delicious recollection of his services, the gratitude of mankind, the happy fruits of them to himself and the world, which are daily increasing, and that splendid prospect of the future fortunes of this country which is opening from year to year. His name may be still a rampart, and the knowledge that he lives a bulwark, against all open or secret enemies of his country's peace. This example has been recommended to the imitation of his successors by both Houses of Congress and by the voice of the legislatures and the people throughout the nation.

On this subject it might become me better to be silent or to speak with diffidence; but as something may be expected, the occasion, I hope, will be admitted as an apology if I venture to say that if a preference, upon principle, of a free republican government, formed upon long and serious reflection, after a diligent and impartial inquiry after truth; if an attachment to the Constitution of the United States, and a conscientious determination to support it until it shall be altered by the judgments and wishes of the people, expressed in the mode prescribed in it; if a respectful attention to the constitutions of the individual States and a constant caution and delicacy toward the State governments; if an equal and impartial regard to the rights, interest, honor, and happiness of all the States in the Union, without preference or regard to a northern or southern, an

引导段

1、主题句必须是可辩论的，不能是说事实，而是说观点。

Theme Statement全文的主题句

2、主题句的位置最好在第一段的最后一句。

支撑段

1、每段只能有一个意思。

这点挺重要的，别和中文一样留个尾巴给下一段，嘿嘿。

2、主题句＋支撑句?

Topic Sentence段落的中心句

3、主题句不能定得太宽，也不能才誣。

訽因大概是1吧，说不完或者没有支持的主题句是不能接受的。

4、不能有任何无法用来展开论题的多余材料。

结束段

1、简要重述观点以及证明。

2、不要引入任何新的主题。

条件：假如无法说清楚的话

英文还是很注意逻糭的。

学生的作文主要有以下几个方面的问题：

第一、英语底子太薄。

第二、词汇量太小，且对已学词汇记忆不清。

第三、表达思想不清楚。下面我们以考生的实际作文来进行一下分析。

1） Some one consider that fresh water will not touch it's end.(96年1月，2分)

2） One man's life lack of money, he will impossible to live on. （95年1月，5分）

3） As is know, that there are much fake commodities in today's society.(97年12 月，6分)

这里引述的例句与考生通篇作文的写作水平是一致的，其中5、6分的例句具有典型性，代表了近乎中等水平考生的写作水平。从这些例句中不难看出，中等水平的考生，事实上也包括中上等水平的考 生，在写作上存在的主要问题是表达思想不清楚。表达思想不清楚的主要訽因是考生作文中严重汉化的英语，即中式英语，比如： "man can live happiness"， "Man is iron, and food is steel.", ＂Women are half side sky.＂。此外，语 言错误的普遍性和严重性十分惊人，比如，主谓不一致，名词单复数不分，动词时态语态滥用，常用词拼写错误比比皆是。这些严重地影响了思想的表达。考试实践表明，多数考生在写作上的主要欠缺不是 系统的写作理论和方法，而是最基本的单句写作能力。文章无论长短，都是由句子组成的，句子是表达思想的最基本的单位。因此，句子是否能写得正确、达意和清楚，将直接影响整篇文章的写作质量。大学英语四、六级考试和研究生入学英语考试的实 践都表明，考生写作成绩长期得不到明显提高的主要訽因是欠缺写好单句的能力。为改变这种状况，我们将从剖析考生作文中的典型病句入手，对写作测试中的基本句子结构和写法进行评议和分析，来帮助考生进一步提高句子写作能力。否定结构除了在助动词、情态动词，be和have后面加not之外，还有许多不含not的否定结构。若能正确使用他们，文章会显得生动活泼，增加写作的闪光点。下面我们就来看看:

1． 含有否定意义的词汇和短语

以下列举的词和词组本身就具有否定的含义，因此无需用否定词。

介词against, beyond, but, except, without,...

形容词和动词absent, deny, differ, different, fail, free, ignore, miss, refuse, the last, used to,

reluctant, lack, want,...

短语keep...from, protect...from, prevent...from, let alone, at a loss, in vain, instead of, out

of the question, rather than, too...to, by no means, anything but,...

我们看以下例句：

1） Women fail to get the equal rights in some countries.

  在一些国家里妇女没有得到平等的权利。

2） This is by no means the best way to solve the problem of energy crisis.

  这不是解决能源危机的最好的办法。

3） We should protect trees from being destroyed.

  我们应保护树木，不让它们受破坏。

4） In old China we could not make a nail, let alone(make) machines.

  在旧中国，我们连一个钉子都造不了，更不用说制造机器了。

2． 含有半否定意义的词语

barely, hardly, few, little, rarely, scarcely, seldom, not all, not everyone, not everything,...具

有半否定的意义。例句：

1） We could hardly see any fresh vegetables in winter on market several years ago.

  几年前在冬天市场上很难见到新鲜蔬菜。

2） These young people know little about how to choose good books to read.

  这些年轻人几乎不知道如何挑选优秀的书籍来读。

3． 不含否定意义的否定结构

有些词和词组形式上是否定结构，但其含义是肯定的，比如：cannot but, can't help,

no sooner...than, not...until, in no time, none other than, nothing but,等等。例句：

1） We can't but face the reality.

  我们只有面对现实。

2） These old buildings will be replaced by modern apartment buildings in no time.

  这些旧建筑将很快为现代化的公寓所代替。

4． 否定结构的倒装语序

我们有时为了强调而把否定词和词组放在句首，这时句子结构应倒装。例如：

1） On no account should we follow blindly.我们决不应当盲从。

2） No where has the world ever seen such great enthusiasm for learning as in our country.没有任何其他地方有我国这样高的学习热情。

五、 含有it的结构

考生病句：

1. As is known to all of us that science and technology play an important role in the development of society.

2. It is known to us, practice makes perfect.

正确表达：

1. It is known to all of us that science and technology play an important role in the development of society. (或:As is known to all of us, science...)

2. It is known to us that practice makes perfect. (或:As is known to us, practice...)

评议与分析：

例句1是93年12月六级考试11分作文的评分样卷句子，例句2选自97年1月四级考试作文。很显然，两个考生混淆了it和as的用法。如果用it作形式主语，后面的主语从句必须由that引起；如果用 as，则后面不能用that，因为as是关系代词，代表practice makes perfect。

It 在英语中是个相当活跃的代词，在写作中我们常要使用它。以下几种用法应熟练掌握，并能灵活运用。

1．作形式主语

It is necessary for us to master a foreign language skillfully. It makes difference whether we could purify the air or not.

2.作形式宾语

We find it rather difficult to prevent people from doing that. Modern science has made it possible for babies to grow healthily and for people to live longer.

3.引导强调句

It is only by this way that we can achieve success. It was then that people began to realize the importance of controlling population.

从语法结构来看，上述的句子都不难，或者可以说是考生相当熟悉的。然而在写作考试中，多数考生缺乏运用自己已掌握的句式的意识，而以自己头脑中拼凑的中式英语取而代之。其实，只要能恰当地 运用上述的任何一个句式，考生的作文就会出现闪光点，就会取得比较好的成绩。

thanks

thanks u for giving us a lot of knowledge about the english .
i am a new one on the bbs.
so i want to know what do u do ? a teacher ?:rolleyes:

wow meetyou's thread....cool...

thank you very much!
it's cool!!:o

I will take more information here if you want.